Cordelia Fine does it again. Her previous book Delusions of Gender presented a compelling criticism of biological interpretations of gender. Weak research methodologies, poor interpretations of scientific studies, and a cultural desperation to cling to sex differences are, she claimed in that book, responsible for sustaining the myth that there are hardwired differences between men and women.
Fine is a scientist. She relies on evidence, facts, data. She writes in easily accessible and simple terms, to help dispel popular myths about sex and gender.
In her latest book, Testosterone Rex, she presents case study after case study to show that testosterone in men (or a “lack” of it in women) is not the primary determinant of how they behave. Testosterone has long been of interest to scientists in exploring sex and gender differences. Recent studies show that earlier assumptions about how it contributes to men’s violent and aggressive behaviours are false. It does not determine men’s differences from women. Context and experiences do.
So what happened? How did we get to think this way? And why do we still think this way?
Through looking at the practice of reproduction, we created two sexes: men and women. These two different kinds of bodies are necessary for reproduction to occur. But that’s where it ends. The vast majority of our human experiences do not relate to reproduction. We actually spend very little time involved in this act, if at all. And yet, we have forged—and we continue to force—a link between the two kinds of bodies that can reproduce and everything else these bodies can do. We have imagined linear pathways between the experiences of bodies that produce semen and being male; and between bodies with ovaries and being female. We have determined that if a body can produce semen, it will (or should) behave in a particular way. And if a body has ovaries, it will (or should) behave in an entirely different way.
When we continue to view reproduction as the foundation of all human behaviours and experiences, we ignore those bodies that don’t fit into this model. Intersex and transgender bodies disappear. We also miss out on recognising the diversity of experiences that are not just possible, but are actually lived by those bodies now identified as men and women. Fine compels us to reflect on this for a moment, and to think about all the different ways that men and women actually have lived and live. Not just in our time, but across history. Not just in our own culture, but across cultures. We see astounding diversity in what me and women can and do experience, and there is no clear demarcation of what it means to be a woman from what it means to be a man. The only system that needs men and women to be utterly different is reproduction. Nothing else.
But still, we are desperate to hold on to the idea that men are dictated by testosterone. Our cultural system of sex/gender which creates a neat binary of bodies and experiences is pervasive and highly disciplining. It is upheld by our education, political, legal, religious, and social systems. There must be men and there must be women. There must be a singular kind of masculinity for men and a singular kind of femininity for women. But these singularities come from the idea that there are two kinds of people because we only ever considered reproduction which needs two kinds of bodies. And this is the rex part in Fine’s argument. The idea of sex differences is king, but it is also extinct. The science shows this to be fact.
This book is great! It is recommended reading for anybody who wants to understand how sex and gender differ, and why it is that the idea of sex determining gender is false.
Fine’s ideas are useful for Factive’s work in two areas. Firstly, she devotes considerable time in her book to discuss the issue of gender and risk. Our research and work to explore the impacts of gender on risk-taking for men in mining, and women’s safety in workplaces, are validated by Fine’s position. What determines risk and safety is not sex; it’s not how much testosterone a person has (which, as Fine points out, is never stable in a single body anyway). It’s context. How much risk am I expected to take? What am I risking and what could I win?
Secondly, Factive has long sort to offer an alternative to the narrative that numbers of women and men can be used as a signifier of diversity in workplace. If, as Fine argues, there are no differences between the sexes (other than in the act of reproduction), this too validates our position that diversity in workplaces comes through gender culture change, and not through counting sexed bodies. Increasing the number of women in a workplace is part of addressing inequities in access to job opportunities for women. But having more women does not automatically produce less aggression, less risk-taking, or less violence in a workplace. It does not automatically produce a safer or more communal workplace. Men can and do live differently to the dominant model of hyper-masculinity. Some men are not motivated by an outdated narrative of testosterone.
Factive wishes to thank Icon Books for supplying a review copy of Testosterone Rex.
Congratulations to the UNFPA team in Myanmar on the publication of the report from the 2016 study into gender based violence in Myanmar’s Mon, Kayin, and Kayah states.
This assessment is the first of its kind to be conducted in the south-eastern region of Myanmar. It is an important contribution to ensuring the full inclusion of women and children in Myanmar’s political, social, and cultural systems, with a specific focus on the issue of gender-based violence (GBV) and its impact on these groups in south-eastern Myanmar.
Factive is proud to have been involved in the study through the work of its principal consultant Dean Laplonge.
The full report can be read here.
Action Aid’s Close the Gap report challenges us to think about who is most affected by changes in taxes and corporate subsidies.
Some key points in this report:
This paper asks a question: Do women have a better ethics of care towards the environment than men?
The answer to this question is an important one for the mining industry today. If the answer to the question is “yes”, the employment of more women in mining could bring about changes in the management of the environment within this industry; and an outcome of these changes could be a reduction in the pollution and damage caused by the ways humans currently mine the earth’s resources.
The debate about gender in mining regularly includes claims that the employment of more women will help change the industry. The article begins with the assertion that such claims rely on essentialist ideas about how all women behave, and fail to consider the production of masculinity as the preferred gender for all mining employees.
The article draws on the results of a survey (conducted by Factive in 2015) which explored the attitudes of women who work in mining towards the environment. It concludes that the sex of employees is not the best indicator of possible change in environmental management and practices in the industry. Instead, greater attention needs to be given to constructions of gender for men and women within mining, possibly by drawing on ecofeminist ideas.
“Instead of relying on women to save the mined environment, we should further challenge and change this gendered culture such that the environment benefits from a more feminist practice of mining.”
Access to the article is here. You can also contact Factive via our website to request a copy.
Reference: Laplonge, D. (2017). “The ‘unwomanly’ attitudes of women in mining towards the environment”. The Extractive Industries and Society. DOI: 10.1016/j.exis.2017.01.011
Why do men bully at work? Why do they engage in behaviours which are intended to intimidate their co-workers, and hopefully make other men cry?
We hear a lot about workplace bullying. The general view is that it shouldn’t happen. But it does. Almost half of employees will experience workplace bullying at some point in their working life. Workplace bullying is said to cost employers up to $36 million each year in terms of lost productivity.
The main response so far has been to insist that employers need to have strict policies and procedures in place to respond. There has also recently been a focus on helping employees become more “resilient” to bullying. This includes offering training in how to respond, including communicating with the bully.
But there is something missing in our thinking about men who bully other men in the workplace. This bullying is actually a “normal” part of masculinity. The act of bullying offers men the hope of continuing to identify as strong and dominant. All they need to achieve this is the construction of an opposite – a weaker person.
In an article published in November 2016 in the Journal of Applied Psychology, researchers Aleksander Ellis and Daphna Moto conclude there is a distinct sex difference in respect to how a person gets treated when they cry in the workplace. Men who cry in response to negative feedback are labelled as “atypical” by their colleagues and employers. They have reduced chances of promotion, and are considered to be poor choices for leadership roles.
Men who cry at work lose credibility. They become not man enough. Weeping men are removed from the competition to determine who is the best worker or manager. They exist only to affirm the continuing real manliness of the man who hasn’t (yet) cried.
This need to find an “Other” to produce a “Self” is something that has been widely researched in identity work. At an individual level, it is used to interpret how we define ourselves. I am Australian, because you are Japanese. I a man, because you are woman. I cannot identify as an Australian male unless I have a Japanese female against which to understand myself. It’s also a basic idea in representation which allows us to know the difference between an apple and an orange, or a chair and a table. Knowing what that other thing is not allows me to know what this thing here is.
For boys, the construction of normal masculinity is about what they do—the kinds of activities they engage in, the music they listen to, the books they don’t read. It also involves having to construct an Other who is less boy, more “girly”. This explains in part why boys intimidate and bully other boys. They use words and physical aggression with the intent of producing a weaker boy against which they can confirm their own strength. An “other” weak boy is needed for the strong “self” to exist.
This is important for thinking about why men bully other men in the workplace. It is not that they are necessarily bad men. It is not simply that they have some individual insecurities which are driving their bullying behaviours. They are also participating in “normal” everyday practices of constructing masculinity. They know that their successful masculinity can be built through de-masculinising others.
This is why men override decisions made by others at work. This is why they publicly criticise their colleagues and subordinates. This why they seek out and highlight errors in their colleagues’ work, instead of understanding work as lifelong learning and working collaboratively to achieve a goal. This is why they engage in activities which aim to show how they and their work are the best, even if this means preventing others from achieving what they can.
Responding to cases of bullying is important in a workplace. Bullying can have devastating and long-term impacts on those who are subjected to it. It must be challenged and stopped. But this requires more than implementing and applying a policy.
Attention needs to be given to how masculinity is constructed within a workplace. What kinds of men are seen to be “good” or “real” men in your workplace? What behaviours do these men exhibit to attain their “real” manhood? What kinds of behaviours are seen to signify weakness, and why? And what can be done to create a gender culture at work in which to be considered a “good man” does not involve having to try and make other men cry?
Factive is seeking to employ a research assistant and editor, to help with editing and research tasks.
Factive (www.factiveconsulting.com) is a cultural research consultancy based in Australia and Canada, with global clients. Our focus is gender and safety in business and communities. Our work is completed in partnership with international organisations, government bodies, and private companies.
The Research Assistant/Editor will be employed on a casual basis to assist with work on specific projects. In the first instance, you will be tasked with editing draft reports. You will be expected to review first drafts and client feedback, and quickly assess what needs to be done to bring the reports to completion. You will then be tasked with carrying out this work. Research skills, writing, and editing are key to the completion of this work.
In order to be considered for this position, you must be able to show:
Interested applicants should send a completed application to info@factive.com.au. Your application must include the following:
Applications are accepted from suitable candidates located anywhere in the world.
The deadline for applications is 5 February 2017.
The Mining Industry Human Resources Council in Canada has released its latest report on gender in the mining industry.
The study that informs the report adopted a traditional view of the gender model to explore how being a man or being a woman impacts on the experiences of people working in the mining industry. Almost 300 mining employees contributed through an online survey and interviews. They were asked about workplace culture, work-life integration, and career pathways.
The results include:
The report reveals some ongoing issues related to gender in the industry, while also showing some improvements, particularly in women’s experiences, when compared to previous similar reports. For example, while women still have a harder time fitting into the workplace culture of mining, employers appear to be making more effort to respond to issues that make work life more difficult for women.
Critical to the work that Factive carries out in this industry is the report’s recommendation to “Equip managers and employees with the skills required to create inclusive workplaces”. Numerous tools already exist to help achieve this outcome. Unfortunately, these tools are not often designed or deployed to encourage change in understandings and practices of gender. Instead, they can often unwittingly reinforce gender assumptions and practices, particularly when the intent is to encourage men to better support or to better look after women. In our experience, this approach does little to empower women in the workplace, and in fact works to sustain a model of gender that creates many of the problems to start with. The called-for “skills” should include awareness of how the traditional gender model (including how it works in the mining industry) often fosters exclusion.
The full report can be accessed here.
It’s not often we come across a piece of writing which challenges how we understand gender and sexuality in extractive industries. Most of what we read promotes the idea that gender is primarily a women’s “problem”, and that sexuality only affects gay people. There’s never enough focus on exploring diversity of genders and sexualities, or diversity of experiences. The debate about “women in mining”, for example all too often assumes that all women who work in mining are the same kind of woman, and that their workplace experiences and desires are all the same.
But now we think we have found a book that challenges us to think about gender and sexuality in masculinised workplaces in more complex and diverse ways.
Steel Closets (2014) explores the diversity of genders and desires among gay, lesbian, and transgender people who work in the steel industry in northwestern Indiana. It draws extensively on interviews with queer people who work in this industry, some of whom are open about their sexuality at work, others who choose to keep it secret. It discusses the discrimination and harassment these people face, but also explores the pleasures many of them find in their workplaces and with their non-queer colleagues. This book challenges not only what it means to be a normal employee in the steel industry, but also what it means to be a normal queer person.
The book covers topics such as gay men and masculinity, female masculinity, secrecy and openness, workplace dangers, and union representation for queer people. For those who are familiar with queer theory, it shows how we can use this particular academic theory to think about the experiences of queer people in an industry where queerness is not obvious or overt. For those who are not, it provides an easily understandable introduction to some of queer theory’s key concepts.
About a year ago, Factive was approached by a Brisbane-based consulting company to see if we were interested in partnering on the development of a training course to educate mining companies about GLBTQ issues. We were certainly interested in the issue, but definitely not the proposed work. We were concerned the proposed training course was being developed without adequate research, and that it was making too many assumptions about the needs of GLBTQ people who work in mining. Importantly, it assumed that all gay people needed to “come out” at work, and that this would somehow automatically bring an end to the discrimination they face. In our view, this oversimplifies what it means to be queer in otherwise highly heterosexualised and masculinised industries. It also promotes the idea that all queer lives are the same, which actually stifles effective diversity work.
Steel Closets offers an easy read for anybody who wants to explore gender and sexuality in extractive industries in more complex and diverse ways. It helps to move the reader beyond thinking about gender and sexuality in singular and simple terms. The stories of the workers are unique. Yet they also share a lot in common with other stories we have heard throughout our work in similar industries, like construction, mining, and oil & gas.
Steel Closets: Voices of Gay, Lesbian, and Transgender Steelworkers. By Anne Balay.
Factive: You discuss several times in the book how gay people in the steel industry often experience pleasures and dangers because of their refusal to be open about their sexuality. These include sex with co-workers and harassment at work. Why do you think we might find this position so hard to accept or approve of when looking at it from a gay liberationist context?
Balay: At some point, a particular way of being gay become dominant: white, urban, coastal, coming-out centered. And that’s all fine, but there are lots of other types of behavior that might still be called gay. They just became invisible because people got trained, kind of, to look for only this one type. I would like one message of my work to be that ALL queer and trans people need to be seen, heard, and have their lives and jobs respected. Progress like marriage equality is nice, but doesn’t reach down to the many workers who can’t access it because they will be fired if they come out.
Factive: Do you think the stories you tell and analyse are particularly North American in content? If so, how so?
Balay: I don’t know. I interviewed people in the US and Canada. Lots of steel gets made in China, India, Finland, Austria. I have no idea what it’s like there.
I think the fate of the industry, and its workers, is important. Often, industries or jobs are evaporating now, at the same moment that queer folks get access to them. They are being replaced with shitty, precarious, demeaning, part-time work, if at all. That struggle is disproportionately affecting queer folks because we’re often fired, marginalized, or unconsciously devalued.
Factive: What has been the response from people from inside the steel industry to this “outing” of a queer presence in their industry and workplaces?
Balay: Many steelworkers have contacted me, usually online, expressing happiness and gratitude. They typically give the book to family or partners as a way of describing what it’s like, and feeling less alone.
Horizon Power is looking for volunteer residents and businesses in Port Hedland to participate in a pilot project to develop an on-peak/off-peak way of charging for electricity that looks similar to mobile phone plans. Participants will test and shape features of the new product, and have the opportunity to earn money.
Imagine earning money towards your electricity account by changing the time of day you use your electrical appliances. Port Hedland: accept our challenge, and you’ll do just that!
Congratulations to Sue Griffin, a founding consultant of Factive, who has been working on this project with Horizon Power. Factive is extremely proud to be involved this innovative project around energy use.
Read more at http://www.abc.net.au/news/2017-11-15/new-power-monitoring-app-set-to-cut-electricity-bills-20pc/9150964, or watch the video:
There are high levels of family and sexual violence (FSV) in Papua New Guinea (PNG). Many businesses in PNG, like an increasing number of organizations worldwide, want to address the effects of FSV on their employees and operations to minimize human suffering and to maximize productivity. To date, a range of workplace strategies designed to address related forms of violence (FSV, domestic and family violence, sexual violence, intimate partner violence, violence against women, and gender-based violence) have been developed and implemented, albeit mainly in Western contexts. This article considers the extent to which these workplace strategies can or should be modified for workplaces in PNG.
This new article is co-written by Shabnam Hameed who is a new consultant with Factive.
The full article can be read here.
If you wish to discuss your workplace’s responses to family sexual violence, you can contact Shabnam via the Factive website.